“Nicaragua Betrayed” Summary— Chapter 11: Terrorism in Managua: Phase Two
by Edward Ulrich
News of Interest.TV
February 18, 2011
This chapter describes another terrorist hostage situation occuring in Nicaragua, this time happening at the National Palace in Managua with fourteen Sandinista gunmen holding as many as 1,500 people hostage including many of the members of the Nicaraguan Congress. The terrorists demanded that their “manifesto” be disseminated through the media, the release of 59 prisoners, ransom money, and their safe passage to Panama and Venezuela, where they were then welcomed as heros.
Following are key points from the chapter:
— On the morning of August 22, 1978, a group of fourteen Sandinista terrorists took the National Palace in Nicaragua hostage, being dressed in army training uniforms, having American M-1 rifles obtained in Costa Rica, and having a truck painted exactly like the Army trucks of Nicaragua. Their disguise fooled the guards at the palace due to many troops being moved through the area at that time. Somoza says, “As this group approached the main entrance, the guards asked them what they were doing there. Their reply was short and deadly— a burst of concentrated fire. Once more, gunfire and death opened a door in Managua for the terrorists. This time, however, it was a much larger door. ... When a count was finally determined, we learned that the terrorists were holding fifteen hundred people as hostage.”
— Once the terrorists were inside the Palace, they closed all the doors and ordered all of the members of the House of Representatives to put their hands in the air and they were pushed in front of the windows so they could serve as human shields for the killers. Once the terrorists had control of the Palace, Somoza received a telephone call from Luis Palliais Debayle, who was his first cousin and presiding officer of the Congress. Debayle told him they were being overpowered by terrorists, and as they were talking, a gun was being held to his head. Debayle then said that they told him that all the Bishops who were in Managua at that time should come to the Palace to act as mediators.
— As they were searching for the Bishops, it occurred to Somoza that the terrorists wanted to also include Bishops other than only Obando Bravo in order to take some of the suspicion off of him. Somoza says, “As things happened, there were three Bishops in a meeting in Managua, Monsignor Salazar from Leon, Monsignor Lopez Fittoria from Granada, and Monsignor Obando Bravo from Managua. ... Contact was made with all the Bishops, as well as the Red Cross. The first order of business was to remove the dead and wounded from the Palace. The Bishops and the Red Cross proceeded with that gruesome task.”
— The hostages came from every social and political stratum of Nicaragua. The Conservative Party had almost as many people in the building as Somoza’s Liberal party, and many civilians were in the building performing civic duties such as paying taxes. Many woman and children were among the hostages as well.
— Somoza speaks about how he started to worry about potential for such situations to happen again in the future due to the fact that most public offices and events are not guarded, “It was a staggering thought and I had to conclude that it would be physically impossible to provide such controlled security. To the people of Managua, I thought, freedom of movement and freedom of assembly are extremely important, and if terrorist activity continues, these freedoms will be a thing of the past.”
— Somoza speaks about the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Yasser Arafat, mentioning that they have trained terrorist around the world including the Sandinistas.
— The terrorists demanded the release of fifty-nine prisoners who were in jail, cash payment of several million dollars, and the publication and broadcast of their own Manifesto, which was printed on the front page of the La Prensa opposition newspaper with a banner headline that began: “WAR REPORT No. 1, OPERATION: DEATH TO SOMOCISMO.” The full text of the multi page manifesto is printed in the book. The Manifesto appeared in all the newspapers in Nicaragua, and was broadcasted on all radio and television stations.
— Somoza says, “The last paragraph of the Manifesto should be of particular interest. This Manifesto was published on August 24, 1978, and yet Mr. Carter maintained, even after the Marxist victory, that he had no knowledge of foreign participation in the overthrow of the government of Nicaragua. Not only does the revolutionaries’ Manifesto publicly acknowledge the support that was rendered by Venezuela, Panama, Costa Rica, and Cuba, but it also gives thanks to ‘the liberal sectors of the Government of the United States. . .’”
Somoza explains on page 163:
The prisoners, whose release was demanded, were all convicted felons, each one of them had been tried in an open court of law and found guilty. Their crimes ranged from murder to assault with a deadly weapon. The fact that the terrorists could come up with only fifty-nine names should have surprised the world. According to so many press reports from the Sandinistas, we had thousands of political prisoners. I tried to explain the magnitude of that lie but until the terrorists submitted their written list, I was not successful. All of the prisoners named were alive and in good health. This is also contrary to certain press reports and claims by the Sandinistas. Remember, my government had been accused of torturing and killing political prisoners. That was one more ploy used by the Communists and my other political enemies to inflame public opinion against me.
Now that the Communists are in control of Nicaragua, there should be no political prisoners and there should not be torturing and killing. On this one issue, Dan Rather, Mike Wallace, Alan Riding, and Karen De Young should have a field day. As I have already shown, some three thousand men, women, and children of Nicaragua have been tortured and killed since the Sandinistas assumed power. These crimes are a matter of record but the “bleeding heart” press says nothing. Additionally, over eight thousand men and women are political prisoners. Their number is so great that many are exposed to the elements and all of them are on a starvation diet. What a difference!
— Much of the Manifesto dealt with a personal attack upon Somoza, his family, and people in his government. Somoza explains that he was glad that it revealed the terrorists were Communists and he was happy for the people of Nicaragua to know their true identity.
— This group of terrorists advised for Panama’s Omar Torrijos and Venezuela’s Carlos Andres Perez to be contacted for their transportation to be arranged. Somoza says, “ .. apparently, Omar and [Perez] knew, without any instructions, what kind of plane to send for their compatriots — the terrorist killers of Managua.”
— Since 40 percent of the Nicaraguan Congress was made up of members of the Conservative Party, Somoza felt certain that they would want to join him in condemning the terrorists and he pointed out to them that unity is important in this situation, but shockingly they told him they wanted to “think it over” first and went straight to the U.S. Embassy, with the Embassy giving them the recommendation to refuse to join the Liberal Party in condemning the terrorists.
— Somoza says, “One problem which I never had to concern myself with was finding volunteers for a dangerous mission [from the Guardia Nacional]. The problem I had was offending some officer or enlisted man by not selecting him for a hazardous assignment. So with the terrorists holding the Palace, there was an immediate move by a segment of Army to storm the Palace and kill all the terrorists. Plans, strategy, and individual assignments were being discussed before I was aware of it. That’s how eager they were. ... Would [the terrorists] actually kill the hostages at the first sign of military aggression? If your conclusion happens to be in the affirmative, you would be condemning hundreds to death by permitting a military assault. ... With all the members of Congress crowded in one room and with wild-eyed terrorists holding hand grenades and automatic weapons at the ready position, an attack by my troops would mean death.”
— Somoza explains he decided not to storm the Palace which angered many Generals in his army. He says, “.. For the remainder of my days, I shall live with the thought that I chose the correct theory and I did the right thing.”
From pages 167-168:
Each part of the negotiated agreement fell into place. All buses, with hostages, terrorists, and criminals, departed at the appointed time. They drove to the airport without incident. At the end of the take-off runway were parked planes from Torrijos and Perez. Torrijos had sent an Electra and Perez had sent a C-130. The C-130 is a huge airplane, so ample air transportation had been arranged. Luis Pallais and the other hostages were released, the money changed hands, and a motley group of Communists and convicted criminals went aboard the planes. In a few minutes the planes were airborne and we had come to the end of another living nightmare.
...
The terrorists and criminals received a hero’s welcome in Panama and Venezuela. They were wined, dined and treated as celebrities. Pastora, the leader of the Communist terrorists, was honored with a special meeting with President Carlos Andres Perez.
... What we had been through in Managua, I thought, represented a complete breakdown of international law and order. I knew that so long as terrorists, airline highjackers, and international law violators had a safe haven, these crimes would continue. The fact that the Managua terrorists had two countries which welcomed them made me angry inside. Cuba, of course, would have made three countries, but Cuba takes criminals from anywhere. Panama and Venezuela were looked upon as civilized countries and, yet, they not only welcomed the terrorists, they aided and abetted a criminal cause.
Purchase the book “Nicaragua Betrayed” from Amazon.com.
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